By Paul Eidelberg
An American Political Scientist in Israel recounts the author's conferences with a few of Israel's political and highbrow leaders after he immigrated to Israel in 1976. His e-book unearths, for the 1st time, the mistaken mentality of those elites and the way this impacts their international coverage. As a political scientist and pupil of the America's Founding Fathers, he offers a certified critique of Israel's ideological and institutional flaws. Eidelberg additionally presents a close account of Israel's financial and technological contribution to the U.S.. opposite to standard opinion, greenback for buck, the USA gets extra from Israel than Israel gets from the USA! eventually, Eidelberg bargains a treatment for Israel's woes. He first indicates that even if Israel, is a democracy from a sociological point of view, it's not a democracy from a political-institutional point of view. not just does Israel lack a written structure with institutional tests and balances, yet contributors of the legislature are usually not separately dependable to the citizens in constituency elections. working in Israel isn't really consultant govt loads as multi-party cupboard govt ruled via the major minister. Eidelberg has hence drafted a structure that empowers the folk and is in step with easy Judaic rules. -Amazon.ca
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Additional resources for American Political Scientist in Israel: From Athens to Jerusalem
Hence we should let Sadat speak for himself. In a section of his “autobiography” published in the Egyptian journal October on September 11, 1977, two months before the peace initiative, Sadat wrote: Al Qadhafi has chosen to make the same terrible mistake that Arabs committed several years ago when they rejected everything and anything—when the 24 Chapter 2 Arabs turned the word “no” into an idol which they worshipped, burned incense around, and in the process, burned all their bridges and were halted .
27 To be sure—state-sponsored terrorists aside—Muslims are not about to launch a ground war against Christian states. But their acceptance of peaceful coexistence with these “infidels” remains problematic and is to be attributed more to convenience than to conviction. In the Arab world Sadat’s slogan “no more war” is understood as Kalam fadi, empty words. Since Muhammad, Islam has regarded Jews beneath Christians; Jews must be ruled and kept in a lowly state. Consequently, the existence of the Jewish State of Israel is deemed a violation of Islamic doctrine, a trespass on Islamic territory, an assault on Islamic pride, hence an intolerable provocation and outright challenge to every Islamic leader.
At stake at Camp David was Israel’s control over Judea, Samaria, and Gaza. This was an ideological as well as a security issue; the two are distinct but inseparable. Preoccupation with security, narrowly conceived, has been the bane of Israeli foreign policy. Israel’s political and intellectual leaders tend to forget that a nation’s security—indeed, its power—ultimately depends on morale, hence on its people’s ideological selfconfidence. Ignore a people’s cherished beliefs and values and you will erode their confidence in the justice of their nation’s cause.
American Political Scientist in Israel: From Athens to Jerusalem by Paul Eidelberg